A Grammar of Neo-Aramaic. The dialect of the Jews of Arbel by Lecturer in Hebrew and Aramaic at the Faculty of Oriental

By Lecturer in Hebrew and Aramaic at the Faculty of Oriental Studies Geoffrey Khan

Being direct descendants of the Aramaic spoken by way of the Jews in antiquity, the nonetheless spoken Jewish Neo-Aramaic dialects of Kurdistan deserve specific and bright curiosity. Geoffrey Khan's A Grammar of Neo-Aramaic is a special list of 1 of those dialects, now at the verge of extinction. This quantity, the results of large fieldwork, encompasses a description of the dialect spoken via the Jews from the quarter of Arbel (Iraqi Kurdistan), including a transcription of recorded texts and a thesaurus. The grammar includes sections on phonology, morphology and syntax, preceded through an introductory bankruptcy reading the placement of this dialect on the subject of the opposite recognized Neo-Aramaic dialects. The transcribed texts checklist folktales and money owed of customs, traditions and stories of the Jews of Kurdistan.

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Iixta ['2re~sre] 'in such a way' (Y:182). (ii) As a palata-alveolar [lf]. g. ' (S:21), tirale [lfi:rre:le:] 'he went araund it' (S:7). g. karpftt [k'rer'p'u:lf] 'brick' (B:4), terii [lfe:'rre] 'it goes round' (B:116), matirlwälu [mrelfi:'r:wre:lu:] 'they carried them round' (B:70), tay [lfrej] 'tea' (B:137), ti [lfi:] 'none' (B:13). g. tllwa ['lfilwa] 'he knew' (Y:33), la-tiinwa [lre'lfrenwa] 'I did not know' (Y:146), tlwa ['lfi:wa] 'they knew' (Y:216), tipata [lfip'p're:t're] 'a dumpling of meat and rice' (Y:122).

Syr. ). g. zdula 'fear', xriwula 'wickedness'. g. g. xiila 'new' < *xattii. t! g. beta swiita Sriita 'egg' 'satiety' 'lamp' < *beftii < *s/}aftii < *Sraftii < *Sragtii (cf. p) Examples such as these in (i) and (ii) demonstrate that the shift is no Ionger operative in the language. g. t!. g. {/aha 'three' < *tliilii, bar 'after' < *biitar. e 'towns', which may be a variant of the ending -awiile (< *-iiwiite); cf. 1. g. biya 'hause' < *betii, mii 'town' < miitii (Kapeliuk 1997: 534; Fox 1991: 38-39, 1994: 157, 1997: 15-16; Maclean 1895: 338-339; Tsereteli 1961: 247-248).

G. tllwa ['lfilwa] 'he knew' (Y:33), la-tiinwa [lre'lfrenwa] 'I did not know' (Y:146), tlwa ['lfi:wa] 'they knew' (Y:216), tipata [lfip'p're:t're] 'a dumpling of meat and rice' (Y:122). g. cayxana [ t~re j 'xa:nre] 'teahouse' (Y:3). As a general rule ltl is aspirated. g. ~u~ka 'chick' (Kurd. ~it~ik) (S:64), pir~a 'a hair' (Kurd. pir~). The phonemic independence of ltl from the unvoiced sibilant I sl is demonstrated by the minimal pair ti 'they know' vs. '. The affricate I jl, which is found mainly in loanwords, is realized in one of three ways.

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