Economies of Violence: Transnational Feminism, by Jennifer Suchland

By Jennifer Suchland

Recent human rights campaigns opposed to intercourse trafficking have serious about person sufferers, treating trafficking as a felony aberration in an differently simply monetary order. In Economies of Violence Jennifer Suchland at once evaluations those factors and methods, as they vague the truth that trafficking is symptomatic of advanced financial and social dynamics and the economies of violence that maintain them. interpreting United countries court cases on women's rights concerns, executive and NGO anti-trafficking guidelines, and campaigns by way of feminist activists, Suchland contends that trafficking has to be understood now not completely as a felony, gendered, and sexualized phenomenon, yet as working inside international structures of precarious hard work, neoliberalism, and the transition from socialist to capitalist economies within the former Soviet Union and japanese Bloc. In transferring the focal point clear of person sufferers, and through underscoring trafficking's financial and social factors, Suchland offers a beginning for development extra powerful equipment for combatting human trafficking.

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Additional resources for Economies of Violence: Transnational Feminism, Postsocialism, and the Politics of Sex Trafficking

Sample text

This turn of events was foreshadowed somewhat in Barry’s comments at the 1983 workshop: “In examining the relationship between the feminist movement with prostitute organizations we face the serious question of how to support the work with individual w ­ omen in prostitution without supporting the institution, something that will place us in opposition to the prostitute organizations” (Barry, Bunch, and Castley 1984, 29). Advocates against sexual slavery specifically started to politicize the issue of sex trafficking in the late 1980s.

By the time of the 1991 unesco expert meeting on trafficking, the antiprostitution campaign successfully ensured their preferred language in un discourse. That language depicted any form of prostitution as a violation of w ­ omen’s rights. A document prepared for the meeting proclaimed, “­Free prostitution does not exist, what­ever the means of exercising it. Thus, starting from this new approach and ­after 1986, it appeared necessary to the Group of Experts to undertake a more thorough review of the Convention of 1949 and to revise it so that it can be applied at the international normative level” (International Meeting of Experts on Sexual Exploitation, Vio­lence, and Prostitution 1992, i).

Thus, starting from this new approach and ­after 1986, it appeared necessary to the Group of Experts to undertake a more thorough review of the Convention of 1949 and to revise it so that it can be applied at the international normative level” (International Meeting of Experts on Sexual Exploitation, Vio­lence, and Prostitution 1992, i). This strong antiprostitution language, however, ultimately was not institutionalized in post–­Cold War antitrafficking norms. As I will continue to explain in greater detail, the “vio­lence against ­women” agenda dampened the strength of the sexual slavery language.

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